. No.	Topic Name	Prelims/Mains
1.	BRICS	Prelims & Mains
2.	Emergency Provisions	Prelims & Mains
3.	Self Sufficiency in Urea Sector	Prelims & Mains
4.	Reforms needed in UNSC	Prelims & Mains

 

1 – BRICS: 

GS II 

International Organizations

 

·      About:

 

·      The abbreviation BRICS stands for Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, a grouping of the world’s leading emerging economies.

·      Every year, the BRICS Leaders’ Summit is held.

 

·      Structure:

 

·      BRICS is not a formal organisation; rather, it is an annual summit between the leaders of five countries.

·      According to the formula B-R-I-C-S, the chairmanship of the forum is rotated annually among the members.

·      Over the last decade, BRICS cooperation has grown to include an annual programme of over 100 sectoral meetings.

·      Important Characteristics

·      BRICS accounts for over 40% of the world’s population and 30% of GDP (Gross Domestic Product), making it an important economic engine.

·      It’s a global power bloc and a burgeoning investment market.

·      The name “BRICS” was coined in 2001 by Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neill in a report on the growth prospects for the economies of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, which combined accounted for a major portion of global production and population.

·      The four countries began an annual informal diplomatic cooperation in 2006, with Foreign Ministers meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly’s General Debate (UNGA).

·      Following this positive encounter, it was decided that the debate would take place at the level of Heads of State and Government at yearly Summits.

 

·      Timeline:

 

·      In 2009, the Russian Federation hosted the first BRIC Summit, which focused on themes such as global financial architecture reform.

·      In December 2010, South Africa was asked to join BRIC, and the group’s acronym was changed to BRICS. In March 2011, South Africa attended the Third BRICS Summit in Sanya, China.

 

·      Objectives:

 

·      For more sustainable, equitable, and mutually beneficial development, the BRICS aspire to deepen, broaden, and accelerate collaboration within the grouping and among individual nations.

·      To guarantee that interactions are established on the respective country’s economic strengths and to prevent competition whenever possible, BRICS takes into account each member’s growth, development, and poverty objectives.

·      BRICS is establishing itself as a new and promising political-diplomatic body with a wide range of goals that extend far beyond the basic goal of overhauling global financial institutions.

 

·      Cooperation Domains:

 

·      Cooperation in the Economic Sector:

 

·      Trade and investment flows between BRICS countries are quickly increasing, as are economic cooperation efforts in a variety of industries.

·      Economic and trade cooperation, innovation cooperation, customs cooperation, strategic cooperation between the BRICS Business Council, contingent reserve agreement, and the New Development Bank all have agreements in place.

·      These agreements help to achieve the common goals of strengthening economic cooperation and promoting integrated trade and investment markets.

 

·      Interaction between people:

 

·      The need to strengthen People-to-People interactions and create closer collaboration in the areas of culture, sport, education, cinema, and youth has been recognised by BRICS members.

·      In the spirit of openness, inclusiveness, variety, and mutual learning, people-to-people interactions aim to establish new connections, develop relations, and mutual understanding between BRICS peoples.

·      The Young Diplomats Forum, Parliamentarian Forum, Trade Union Forum, Civil BRICS, and Media Forum are examples of people-to-people encounters.

·       

Cooperation in the Political and Security Spheres:

 

·      The goal of BRICS member countries’ political and security cooperation is to achieve peace, security, development, and cooperation in order to make the world a more equitable and fair place.

·      BRICS offers chances for policy advice and best practise exchanges on domestic and regional issues, as well as pushing the restructuring of the global political architecture to make it more balanced, based on the pillar of multilateralism.

·      South Africa’s foreign policy initiatives, such as the promotion of the African Agenda and South-South Cooperation, are driven by BRICS.

 

·      Mechanism of Cooperation:

 

·      The following methods are used to achieve member cooperation:

 

·      Track I: Official diplomatic relations between national governments.

·      Track II: Government-affiliated organisations, such as state-owned businesses and business councils, are used to engage people.

·      Civil society and People-to-People involvement is the third track.

·      The BRICS Group’s Impact on Global Institutional Reforms

·      The financial crisis of 2008 were the catalyst for the BRIC nations to begin cooperating. The crises cast doubt on the dollar-dominated monetary system’s long-term viability.

·      “Multilateral institutions must be reform[ed] to reflect structural changes in the international economy and the increasingly central role that emerging markets currently play,” the BRICs said.

·      The BRICs were successful in pushing for institutional reform, which resulted in quota reform at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 2010. As a result of the financial crises, western legitimacy was temporarily eroded, allowing the BRIC countries to become “agenda setters” in multilateral institutions.

 

·      A new development bank has been established:

 

·      Shanghai is the headquarters of NDB.

·      The prospect of establishing a new Development Bank was discussed at the Fourth BRICS Summit in New Delhi (2012) to mobilise resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in BRICS and other emerging economies, as well as in developing nations.

·      The presidents signed the Agreement establishing the New Development Bank during the Sixth BRICS Summit in Fortaleza, Brazil, in 2014. (NDB).

·      The NDB will boost BRICS cooperation and augment the efforts of international and regional financial institutions for global development, according to the Fortaleza Declaration, contributing to sustainable and balanced growth.

·      Clean energy, transportation infrastructure, irrigation, sustainable urban development, and economic cooperation among member nations are among the NDB’s primary areas of work.

·      The NDB is based on a consultation framework among the BRICS countries, with equal rights for all members.

·      Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a type of contingency reserve

·      In 2014, the BRICS states signed the BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) as part of the Fortaleza Declaration at the Sixth BRICS Summit, in response to the increasing frequency of global financial crises.

·      The BRICS CRA aims to give members with short-term liquidity support through currency swaps in order to help mitigate the BOP problem and strengthen financial stability.

·      The CRA’s initial overall pledged resources will be one hundred billion dollars from the US Treasury (USD 100 billion).

·      It would also help to enhance the global financial safety net and supplement current international agreements (IMF).

 

·      Challenges:

 

·      The BRICS have a hurdle as it moves forward because to the dominance of the big three countries of Russia, China, and India. BRICS must become pan-continental in order to truly represent huge emerging markets around the world. Its membership should include more countries from different continents and areas.

·      For the BRICS to become more relevant in the global system, they will need to broaden their agenda. Climate change and infrastructure development finance are currently at the top of the agenda.

·      As the five member countries pursue their own national agendas, BRICS’ core ideals, such as respect for sovereign equality and pluralism in global governance, are likely to be put to the test.

·      The military standoff between India and China on the Doklam plateau has effectively put an end to the foolish concept that a peaceful political relationship between the BRICS countries is always conceivable.

·      China’s ambitions to co-opt nation states, which are crucial to its Belt and Road Initiative, into a bigger political arrangement could lead to confrontation among BRICS members, particularly between China and India.

 

·      India’s Importance:

 

·      India may benefit from the BRICS’ combined strength by consulting and cooperating on economic matters of mutual concern, as well as current global issues like international terrorism, climate change, food and energy security, global governance reforms, and so on.

·      India’s admission in the NSG is still being discussed with the other BRICS countries.

·      The NDB will assist India in raising and obtaining money for infrastructure and long-term development initiatives. The NDB has authorised its first series of loans, including a $250 million credit to India under the Multitranche Financing Facility for Renewable Energy Financing Scheme.

 

·      Next Steps:

 

·      In its first decade, BRICS did a good job of identifying issues of shared interest and creating channels to address them.

·      In order for BRICS to remain relevant over the next decade, each of its members must examine the initiative’s prospects and constraints realistically.

·      The BRICS countries must rethink their strategy and recommit to their basic values. The BRICS must reaffirm their commitment to a multi-polar world that allows for sovereign equality and democratic decision-making in order to resolve power imbalances within the group and globally.

·      They must build on the NDB’s achievements by investing in more BRICS institutions. It would be beneficial for BRICS to establish an institutional research wing, similar to the OECD, to provide answers that are more suitable to the emerging world.

·      BRICS countries should pursue a BRICS-led effort to satisfy their climate change commitments and the UN’s sustainable development goals. For example, a BRICS energy alliance and an energy policy organisation may be established.

·      The NDB, in collaboration with other development finance organisations, could be a powerful instrument for financing progress toward the BRICS countries’ sustainable development goals.

·      The idea of establishing a BRICS Credit Rating Agency (BCRA), as advocated by India, as an alternative to Western credit rating agencies such as Standard & Poor’s and Moody’s, could be on the BRICS future agenda.

 

·      Source  The Hindu 

 

2 – Emergency Provisions:

 

GS II

 

Emergency Provisions

 

·      There are three categories of emergency listed in the Constitution:

 

·      National Emergency

·      Emergency Emergency

·      Financial Emergency

 

·      National Emergency:

 

·      War, external attack, or armed insurrection can all trigger a national emergency. The term 

·      ‘proclamation of emergency’ is used in the Constitution to describe such a situation.

 

 

 

·      Declaratory grounds:

 

·      When the security of India or a part of it is threatened by war, external attack, or armed insurrection, the president can proclaim a national emergency under Article 352.

·      Even before a war, armed insurrection, or external aggression occurs, the President can declare a national emergency.

·      An ‘Foreign Emergency’ is announced when a national emergency is declared due to ‘war’ or ‘external attack.’ Internal Emergency, on the other hand, is what it’s called when it’s declared because of ‘armed rebellion.’

·      The term “armed revolt” was added by the 44th amendment. Internal disturbance was the previous word for it.

·      For example, openly admitting that India and Pakistan will use armed forces against one other is simply war.

·      External aggression occurs when there is no public statement that armed forces will be utilised against a country.

·      And if an emergency is declared as an external emergency for these two reasons.

 

·      Facts:

 

·      The declaration of a national emergency is not subject to judicial scrutiny under the 38th Amendment Act of 1975. This clause, however, was later repealed by the 44th Amendment Act of 1978.

·      The Supreme Court concluded in the Minerva Mills case (1980) that a declaration of national emergency can be challenged in court if it is based on entirely extraneous and irrelevant circumstances.

 

·      Approval by the legislature and duration:

 

·      Within one month after its issuance, the proclamation of emergency must be adopted by both houses of parliament.

·      If the proclamation of emergency is issued while the Lok Sabha is dissolved, or if the dissolution occurs during a period of one month without the proclamation being approved, the proclamation is valid for 30 days from the first sitting of the Lok Sabha after its reconstitution, assuming the Rajya Sabha has approved it in the interim.

·      The Emergency lasts for six months if both chambers agree, and it can be prolonged indefinitely with the agreement of the Parliament every six months.

·      Every resolution approving the proclamation of emergency or its continuation must be ratified by a special majority in both Houses of Parliament.

 

·      Proclamation revocation:

 

·      A President’s proclamation of emergency can be withdrawn at any moment by a future proclamation. A proclamation like this does not need to be approved by the legislature.

·      If the Lok Sabha votes a resolution disapproving of the emergency’s continuation, it must be revoked.

 

 

·      The consequences of a national emergency:

 

·      A declaration of emergency has far-reaching and far-reaching consequences for the political system. These effects can be divided into three categories:

·      Effects on the relationship between the centre and the state: While an Emergency Proclamation is in effect, the typical fabric of the Centre-State relationship changes fundamentally. This can be broken down into three categories:

·      Executive: The Centre gains the authority to issue executive directives to a state on “any” concern.

·      Legislative: The parliament gains the authority to enact laws on any subject listed on the state list; if the parliament is not in session, the president can issue state-related ordinances. The laws passed by the parliament on state subjects become ineffective six months after the emergency has ended.

·      Financial: The president has the power to change the constitutional revenue distribution between the centre and the states.

·      Effect on the life of the Lok Sabha and State Assembly: While a proclamation of National Emergency is in effect, the Lok Sabha’s life may be prolonged for one year at a time beyond the normal term. However, after the emergency has ended, this extension cannot be extended for more than six months.

·      Similarly, during a national emergency, the Parliament may extend the normal tenure of a state Legislative Assembly by one year at a time, up to a maximum of six months after the emergency has ended.

·      Effect on fundamental rights: The effect of a national emergency on fundamental rights is described in Articles 358 and 359. The following are the explanations for these two provisions:

·      Article 19 Suspension of Fundamental Rights: When a proclamation of National Emergency is issued, Article 358 states that the six fundamental rights outlined in Article 19 are automatically suspended. After the emergency ends, Article 19 is immediately reactivated.

·      Article 19 can only be suspended by the 44th Amendment Act if the National Emergency is declared because of war or external attack, not because of armed revolt.

·      Suspension of other Fundamental Rights: During a National Emergency, the President has the authority to suspend, by order, the right to bring a case in any court for the enforcement of Fundamental Rights. As a result, only corrective actions are suspended, not fundamental rights.

·      Only those Fundamental Rights listed in the Presidential Order are subject to the suspension of enforcement.

·      The suspension could be for the duration of the emergency operation or for a shorter amount of time.

·      The Order should be presented to each House of Parliament for consideration.

·      According to the 44 Amendment Act, the President cannot suspend the right to petition the courts for the implementation of Article 20 and 21’s Fundamental Rights.

·      So far, the following declarations have been made: So far, this kind of emergency has been declared three times: in 1962, 1971, and 1975.

·      Because of Chinese invasion in the NEFA, the first proclamation of National Emergency was announced in October 1962 and lasted until January 1968.

·      In the aftermath of the Pakistani attack, the second proclamation of National Emergency was issued in December 1971.

·      The third proclamation of National Emergency was issued in June 1975, even though the emergency was still in effect. In March 1977, the second and third proclamations were also annulled.

 

·      President Rule:

 

·      Article 355 mandates the central government to ensure that each state’s government operates in line with the constitution’s requirements.

·      It is in the discharge of this responsibility that the central assumes control of a state’s administration under Article 356 in the event that the state’s constitutional machinery fails.

·      This is known as the ‘President’s Rule.’

 

·      Imposition grounds: Under Article 356 of the Constitution, the president’s ruler can be declared for two reasons:

 

·      Article 356 gives the President the authority to issue a proclamation if he believes that a situation has developed in which the government of a state cannot be carried out in line with the constitution’s provisions.

·      Article 365 states that if a state fails to comply with or carry out any order from the centre, the President may declare that a situation has developed in which the state’s administration cannot be carried out in line with the constitution’s provisions.

·      Approval by the legislature and duration: Within two months of its issuance, a proclamation imposing president’s rule must be ratified by both chambers of parliament.

·      However, if the proclamation of President’s rule is issued while the Lok Sabha is dissolved, or if the Lok Sabha is dissolved during the two-month period without approving the proclamation, the proclamation remains in effect until 30 days after the Lok Sabha is reconstituted, provided that the Rajya Sabha approves it in the interim.

·      The President’s Rule Has Consequences: When the President’s rule is imposed on a state, the President gains the following extraordinary powers: He can assume the functions of the state government and powers vested in the governor or any other administrative authority in the state.

·      He has the authority to announce that the state legislature’s powers will be exercised by the parliament.

·      He has the authority to take any other steps necessary, including suspending constitutional provisions relating to any entity or authority in the state.

·      The scope of judicial review is as follows: The President’s satisfaction in invoking Article 356 became final and conclusive under the 38th Amendment legislation in 1975, and it could not be disputed in court on any grounds.

·      However, the 44th Amendment Act of 1978 repealed this provision, meaning that the President’s satisfaction is subject to judicial scrutiny.

 

·      Declaratory grounds: Article 360 authorises the president to declare a Financial Emergency if he believes a situation has emerged that jeopardises India’s financial stability or credit in any area of the country.

 

·      Approval by the legislature and duration: Within two months after its issuance, a proclamation proclaiming a financial emergency must be ratified by both Houses of Parliament.

 

·      Financial Emergency:

 

·      However, if the proclamation of Financial Emergency is issued while the Lok Sabha is dissolved, or if the Lok Sabha is dissolved during the two-month period without approving the proclamation, the proclamation remains in effect until 30 days after the Lok Sabha is reconstituted, provided the Rajya Sabha has approved it in the interim.

 

·      The Financial Emergency, once approved by both chambers of Parliament, lasts indefinitely until it is cancelled.

 

·      Effects of a Financial Crisis:

 

·      Extension of the Union’s executive jurisdiction over the states’ financial affairs.

·      Salary and allowance reductions for all or any class of people working for the government.

·      All money bills and other financial bills are reserved for consideration by the President once they have been passed by the State legislature.

·      The President’s directive to reduce the salaries and allowances of all or any class of persons serving the Union, including Supreme Court and High Court judges.

·      The Emergency Provision has been criticised.

·      The adoption of emergency measures in the constitution was criticised by certain members of the Constituent Assembly on the grounds that the constitution’s federal character would be obliterated and the union would become all-powerful.

·      The state’s powers, both in the Union and in the Units, will be concentrated totally in the hands of the union executive.

·      The president will rise to the position of tyrant.

·      The state’s financial autonomy will be revoked.

·      Fundamental rights would lose their meaning, and the constitution’s democratic foundation will be shattered.’

·      Dr. Ambedkar acknowledged the risk of their misuse when defending the emergency provisions in the Constituent Assembly. ‘I don’t entirely rule out the potential of the Articles being exploited or utilised for political objectives,’ he said.

 

·      Source  The Indian Express 

 

 

3 – Self Sufficiency in Urea Sector:

 

GS III

 

Agriculture Sector

 

·      Policy of the MDP:

 

·      To encourage the use of alternative fertilisers, the government plans to liberalise its Market Development Assistance (MDA) programme.

·       

·      MDA Policy: Previously, MDA policy was limited to solely city compost.

·      There were calls to broaden this policy to include organic waste such as biogas, green manure, rural organic compost, solid/liquid slurry, and so on.

·      The Swachh Bharat Abhiyan will be fully supported by this expansion.

·      Initiatives and Programs of the Government:

·      Urea with Neem Coating: The Department of Fertilizers (DoF) has mandated that all domestic producers produce 100 percent urea with Neem Coating (NCU).

 

·      The following are some of the advantages of using NCU: 

 

·      Use of plant protection agents is being reduced.

·      Pest and disease attacks are reduced.

·      Increased paddy, sugarcane, maize, soybean, and Tur/Red Gram yields.

·      There is very little diversion for non-agricultural reasons.

·      Nitrogen Use Efficiency (NUE) of Neem Coated Urea increases as a result of the gradual release of nitrogen, resulting in lower NCU usage as compared to regular urea.

 

·      The New Urea Policy (NUP) for 2015 is as follows:

 

·      The policy’s goals are to maximise indigenous urea production.

·      To improve the urea units’ energy efficiency.

·      To reduce the burden of subsidies on the Indian government.

·      New Investment Policy (NIP)-2012: In January 2013, the government launched the New Investment Policy (NIP)-2012, which was amended in 2014 to encourage new investment in the urea business and to make India self-sufficient in the urea sector.

·      Policy on City Compost Promotion: The Government of India authorised a policy on city compost promotion, which was notified by the Department of Finance in 2016 and included a Market Development Assistance of Rs. 1500/- to help scale up production and consumption of city compost.

·      Compost firms eager to market municipal compost were authorised to sell city compost in bulk directly to farmers in order to improve sales volumes.

·      The Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) for Fertilizers applies to fertiliser businesses who sell city compost.

 

·      Space Technology in the Fertilizer Industry:

 

·      In collaboration with the Geological Survey of India (GSI) and the Atomic Mineral Directorate, the Department of Finance commissioned a three-year Pilot Study on “Resource Mapping of Rock Phosphate using Reflectance Spectroscopy and Earth Observations Data” by the National Remote Sensing Centre of ISRO (AMD).

 

·      The NBS (Nutrient Based Subsidy) Program:

 

·      The Department of Finance has been implementing it since April 2010.

·      Under the NBS, each grade of subsidised Phosphatic & Potassic (P&K) fertilisers receives a defined amount of subsidy based on its nutrient content, which is determined on an annual basis.

·      Its goals include ensuring balanced fertiliser use, increasing agricultural output, fostering the expansion of the domestic fertiliser industry, and lowering the subsidy burden.

 

·      India’s Fertilizer Consumption:

 

·      India’s fertiliser usage in FY20 was over 61 million tonnes, with urea accounting for 55 percent of it, and is expected to rise by 5 million tonnes in FY21.

·      Because non-urea types (MoP, DAP, complex) are more expensive, many farmers choose to use more urea than is actually required.

·      To limit urea consumption, the government has adopted a variety of steps. To combat unlawful urea diversion for non-agricultural uses, it introduced neem-coated urea. It also increased its support for organic and low-cost farming.

·      Currently, the country produces 42-45 million tonnes of fertiliser, with imports totaling roughly 18 million tonnes.

·      Urea Subsidy: The Centre provides urea subsidy to fertiliser manufacturers based on the cost of production at each plant, with the units having to sell the fertiliser at the government-set Maximum Retail Price (MRP).

·      Non-Urea Fertilizer Subsidy: Non-urea fertiliser MRPs are deregulated or set by the companies. The Centre, on the other hand, pays a flat per-tonne subsidy to ensure that these nutrients are priced at “appropriate levels.”

·      Non-urea fertilisers include Di-Ammonium Phosphate (DAP) and Muriate of Potash (MOP).

·      The Nutrient Based Subsidy Scheme regulates all non-urea based fertilisers.

 

·      Source  The Hindu 

 

 

4 – Reforms needed in UNSC:

 

GS II

 

International Organizations

 

·      About UNSC:

 

·      The United Nations Security Council (UNSC), one of the UN’s six main organs, was founded during World War II. The organisation provides its five permanent members (P-5) undue influence, allowing them to emerge as the era’s dominant powers. However, the reality of that era are incomparable to those of today.

 

·      There has long been a recognition of the need to increase the UNSC’s permanent and non-permanent membership to make it more representative of today’s world, rather than the world when it was founded in 1945.

 

·      The Council, on the other hand, has showed little evidence of development. Serious doubts have been raised concerning its ability to fulfil the goal for which it was created.

 

·      In this context, India, which is now in the second year of its two-year non-permanent UNSC membership, can play a larger and more vital role in bringing UNSC changes to fruition.

 

·      India and the United Nations Security Council:

 

·      The United Nations Security Council: The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the centrepiece of global multilateralism, with a mandate to safeguard international peace and security.

·      It appoints the UN Secretary-General and elects judges to the International Court of Justice in tandem with the UN General Assembly.

·      All countries are bound by its resolutions, which are adopted under Chapter VII of the UN charter.

·      The United Nations Security Council has 15 members, 5 permanent and 10 non-permanent.

·      China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United States are the five permanent members.

·      The General Assembly elects ten non-permanent members for two-year periods.

·      India’s Inclusion: India has served as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council on seven occasions, most recently in January 2021.

·      India has been lobbying for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

·      India’s Contribution: In 1947-48, India actively participated in the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and spoke out strongly against racial injustice in South Africa.

·      India has influenced decisions on a variety of problems, including admitting former colonies to the United Nations, resolving violent wars in the Middle East, and keeping peace in Africa.

·      It has made significant contributions to the United Nations, particularly in the area of international peace and security.

·      India has participated in 43 UN peacekeeping deployments, contributing over 160,000 troops and a large number of police officers.

·      With 7,860 people deployed with 10 UN Peacekeeping Missions as of August 2017, India is the third highest force contributor.

·      India’s demand for a permanent seat in the UNSC is perfectly sensible, given its population, territorial size, GDP, economic potential, civilisational legacy, cultural variety, political system, and previous and present contributions to UN activities.

 

·      Issues Concerning the UNSC’s Operation:

 

·      Absence of Meeting Records and Texts: The UNSC’s present rate of progress raises major doubts about its ability to fulfil its stated mission.

·      The UNSC debates are exempt from the ordinary UN rules, and no recordings of its meetings are retained.

·      There is also no “text” of the meeting to discuss, alter, or protest to.

·      In diplomatic discussions, the term “text” refers to a formal paper including ideas and options.

·      In the United Nations Security Council, there is a power struggle. The primary issue with the existing system is that the elite class of countries has taken control of the controlling capacity of international security relations.

·      In this day and age, the UNSC’s five permanent members’ veto rights are an anachronism.

·      The current global security needs do not fit the elite decision-making system.

·      The UNSC has become a barrier to understanding worldwide changes and dynamics in the sphere of human security and peace in its current form.

·      Divisions Among the P5: Because the UN’s membership is deeply polarised, decisions are either not made or ignored.

·      Frequently occurring divisions among the UNSC P-5 result in critical decisions being stalled.

·      These concerns may be seen in the case of the coronavirus pandemic, where the UN, UNSC, and WHO failed to play an effective role in assisting countries in dealing with the outbreak.

·      An Organization with a Low Representation: Because of its unrepresentative nature, the UNSC has been unable to operate with legitimacy.

·      The absence of India, Germany, Brazil, and South Africa from the UN Security Council is a cause for concern.

·      The UNSC as a global institution managing international peace and security is crippled by existing disparities in terms of under-representation of areas, particularly from Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

 

 

·      Next Steps:

 

·      Democratization of the UNSC: Power inequalities between the P5 and the rest of the world must be addressed immediately.

·      This is required to make the UNSC more democratic and legitimate in its governance, as well as to ensure that the ideals of international peace, security, and order are generally upheld.

·      Expansion of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC): The modern needs of global governance for international peace and security are considerably different, and the UNSC’s governance processes require considerable revisions.

·      The extension of permanent and non-permanent seats on the Security Council is “indispensable” in order for the UN organ to properly cope with the “ever-complex and growing challenges” to international peace and security.

·      Equitable Representation: Decentralizing the UNSC’s governing power and control over nations requires equitable representation of all regions.

·      This transition would provide nations from all regions with an equal opportunity to express their concerns about issues affecting peace and democratic stability in their individual country.

·      The UNSC’s decision-making processes will be decentralised, allowing it to become a more representative and participative body.

·      India’s Role – Leveraging Non-Permanent Membership: As a current non-permanent member of the UNSC, India can begin by writing a resolution including a comprehensive set of reform suggestions.

·      It can then approach other like-minded countries (such as the G4: India, Germany, Japan, and Brazil) and expand its circle of support until a sufficient number of countries have banded together to approach the entire UNGA and offer a resolution that has a realistic possibility of passing.

·      By addressing their peace and security concerns in the UNSC, India can revitalise its engagement with its traditional friends in the “global south.”

·      Small Island States and Africa, two sub-groups of the global south, should be of particular relevance in this context.

 

·      Source  The Hindu

 

EDITORIAL ANALYSIS  15 SEPTEMBER 2022 THE HINDU:

 

FINLAND TO JOIN NATO:

 

·      The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO):

 

·      NATO is a military alliance. Twelve countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and France, created it in 1949.

·      If they are assaulted by armed forces, members agree to assist one another. Finland will boost the overall number of countries to 31.

·      Following WWII, NATO’s first purpose was to prevent Russian expansion in Europe.

·      Following the Soviet Union’s breakup in 1991, some of its former Eastern European allies joined NATO.

 

·      What does NATO membership involve, and how will it benefit the alliance?

 

·      Under NATO’s “Article 5” on collective defence, states that join the alliance are guaranteed security. If any NATO member is attacked, the clause practically guarantees NATO countries a military response and protection.

·      Finland and Sweden have expressed interest in joining NATO. It can take up to a year to become an official NATO member because all current member countries must agree. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, on the other hand, has guaranteed the countries that they will be able to join NATO soon and that the organisation will provide complete security guarantees in the meanwhile.

·      Finland’s geographic location benefits it because if it joins, the length of Russia’s NATO borders will treble, bolstering NATO’s presence in the Baltic Sea.

 

·      What drives Finland’s interest in joining NATO?

·      The border between Finland and Russia is 1,340 kilometres (830 miles). As a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Finland is afraid about a Russian invasion of its territory. The country’s security and defence capabilities would be enhanced if it joined NATO.

 

·      “Finlandization”:

 

·      Finlandization is the process by which a powerful country persuades a smaller neighbouring country to stop criticising its foreign policy guidelines while maintaining its ostensible independence and democratic structure. During the Cold War, the phrase “to become like Finland” refers to the Soviet Union’s influence on Finnish politics.

·      The phrase is typically interpreted negatively. It originated during the late 1960s and early 1970s West German political discussions.

·      The expression alludes to a country’s commitment not to confront a more powerful neighbour in international policy while maintaining national sovereignty in Germany and other NATO countries.

·      It is most usually used to refer to Finland’s Cold War policy toward the Soviet Union, but it can also relate to more general international relations, such as Denmark’s stance toward Germany between 1871 and 1945, or the Swiss government’s actions against Nazi Germany until World War II ended.

·      “In the event that Finland or the Soviet Union becomes the object of an armed assault by Germany or any state linked with the latter (including, basically, the United States) through Finnish territory, Finland will fight to repel the attack,” says Article 1 of the treaty.

·      The Agreement of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance signed by Finland and the Soviet Union in April 1948 created the neutrality policy.

 

·      Significance:

 

·      It was protected by the pact from being attacked or absorbed by the Soviet Union, as the Baltic and eastern European states had been. It allowed the country to pursue democracy and capitalism while staying neutral in the Great Powers’ conflict.

 

·      How does Russia feel about NATO?

 

·      NATO offered Ukraine a path to membership in 2008. Ukraine made membership a major priority after Russia invaded Crimea in 2014.

·      However, due to Russia’s long-standing antagonism, this has not happened.

·      Russia believes that by admitting new members from Eastern Europe, NATO is encroaching on its political influence, and that adding Ukraine will drive NATO into its backyard.

 

·      What does Russia currently expect from NATO and the US?

 

·      Russia has presented two draught agreements in which it asks the US and NATO for specific, legally binding security assurances:

·      The draught encourages NATO to halt its eastward expansion, expressly rejecting ex-Soviet states like Ukraine potential membership. It would also make it illegal for the US to build bases or collaborate militarily with former Soviet states.

·      It would prevent both signatories from deploying military assets outside their national borders that could pose a threat to the national security of the other.

 

·      From India’s perspective, NATO is:

 

·      NATO membership is not being proposed. India’s refusal to join any military alliance has a long history.

·      Innovative solutions are required given India’s history as a pioneer of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and its plans to join the P5—the Permanent UN Security Council members. The government looks to have the will, ability, and opportunity to do so. India has been a member of the BRICS since its inception, as well as the SCO since 2017, extending its non-aligned status.

·      India’s continued expansion of its space and nuclear programmes reflects the country’s progress toward becoming a major power in a volatile region of the world. India has also been classified as a “nuclear power.”

·      A conversation between India and NATO would simply mean frequent contact with a military alliance whose members are mostly long-term allies of India. It makes little sense for India to avoid interaction with NATO, which is currently debating a role in Asia’s oceans, if it wants to entice a wary Russia into Indo-Pacific talks.

 

·      Issues:

 

·      Russia, the Middle East, and China are all hot topics among NATO members. Meanwhile, tensions have escalated between NATO members such as Greece and Turkey. Outside of Europe, NATO’s most recent incursions — in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya — have failed to impress.

·      India has not been offered membership in NATO, and it is not interested. The issue at hand is the possibility of reaching an agreement. To play any role in the Indo-Pacific, Europe and NATO need partners like India, Australia, and Japan. India, on its part, understands that no single country can guarantee Indo-Pacific peace and stability.

·      India’s enthusiasm for the Quad demonstrates a recognition of the value of forming coalitions.

·      China has always recognised Europe’s significance and has spent much in its development. Delhi’s continued refusal to interact with a major European entity like NATO will be a glaring example of strategic self-denial.

 

·      Next Steps:

 

·      A continual dialogue between India and NATO might lead to successful collaboration in a number of areas, including terrorism, altering geopolitics, the changing nature of armed conflict, the role of rising military technologies, and new military doctrines.

·      Each member has a lot to offer in terms of boosting India’s national capabilities on a bilateral basis.

 

EDITORIAL ANALYSIS  15 SEPTEMBER 2022 THE INDIAN EXPRESS:

 

GOVERNMENT CONSTRAINTS IN AVAILABILITY OF DOMESTIC COAL:

·      India’s Coal Industry:

 

·      India has been mining coal since 1774.

·      With 716 million metric tonnes (789 million short tonnes) extracted in 2018, the country is the second largest producer and user of coal after China.

·      Coal is responsible for more than 40% of India’s energy supply. Coal is imported in around 30% of the time.

·      Due to high demand and poor average quality, India imports coking coal to meet the needs of its steel manufacturers.

·      Dhanbad, India’s largest coal producing city, is the country’s coal capital. Coal India, a state-owned company, had a monopoly on coal mining from 1973 until 2018.

·      The bulk of coal is burned to generate energy, and coal-fired power plants generate the majority of electricity, although they have been accused of breaking environmental regulations. The coal industry has a significant health and environmental impact, and the benefits of phasing out coal would have far outweighed the costs in the short term.

·      In India, electricity generated by new solar farms is less expensive than electricity generated by the country’s existing coal plants.

 

·      Coal’s History in India:

 

·      Coal mining was nationalised in phases by the Indira Gandhi administration, starting with coking coal mines in 1971–72 and continuing to non-coking coal mines in 1973.

·      With the enactment of the Coal Mines (Nationalization) Act in May 1973, all coal mines in India were nationalised.

·      This policy was revoked by the present administration four decades later.

·      In March 2015, the government granted private companies permission to mine coal for use in their own cement, steel, energy, or aluminium plants.

·      Coking Coal Mines (Nationalization) Act of 1972 and Coal Mines (Nationalization) Act of 1973 were repealed in January 2018.

·      By permitting private companies to enter the commercial coal mining industry in February 2018, the government took the final step toward denationalisation.

·      Under the new plan, mines were auctioned off to the company with the highest per-tonne price. Coal India’s monopoly on commercial mining, which it had maintained since its nationalisation in 1973, was broken by the action.

 

·      Why is it that India cannot exist without coal?

 

·      India imports almost a quarter of its total consumption, the majority of which is coking coal, which is used in steel blast furnaces and is not available domestically.

·      In 108 of the company’s 173 power plants, coal supplies are currently assessed to be critically low. Because of the Ukraine crisis, global coal and natural gas prices have soared, making imports prohibitively expensive.

·      Currently, wind and solar power contribute for 10% of worldwide electricity output.

·      To keep passenger fares cheap, India’s greatest employer, the railroads, overpay for transporting coal, the primary product it transports.

·      To lessen its reliance on coal, India has vowed to increase renewable energy capacity to 450 gigatonnes by 2030. India’s coal, on the other hand, contains a high percentage of ash (35 percent or more), making it exceedingly polluting. Coal pollution kills more than 100,000 Indians per year, according to Greenpeace.

·      Coal-fired power plants provide 70 percent of India’s electricity.

 

·      The Current Situation:

 

·      According to the latest statistics, coal supplies at more than 100 thermal power plants in India have fallen below 25% of what is required (critical mark).

·      More than 50 thermal plants have run out of coal, leading governments to seek more supplies from Coal India Ltd, India’s sole coal supplier (CIL).

·      Thermal power plants, which are mostly powered by coal, provide 70% of India’s electricity.

·      India’s electricity output via thermal plants using domestic coal was 182.39 GW as of April 19, 2022, according to the Central Electricity Authority (CEA), with an average of 34% coal stock in them.

·      Meanwhile, imported coal-fired power plants generated 16.73 GW, with an average coal stock of 34%. Nine thermal power stations with a combined capacity of 3.56 GW are now offline.

·      Why does India have a coal shortage?

 

·      Rising electricity consumption is the primary cause of coal scarcity. In 2021, demand increased to 124.2 BU per month, up from 106.6 BU in 2019. By 2022, the demand will have risen to 132 BU.

 

·      How will the Centre deal with the coal crisis?

 

·      To meet rising domestic demand, the Centre has allowed states to use up to 25% of their captive coal reserves. It has also allowed power plants to incorporate up to 10% imported coal to alleviate CIL pressure (Coal India Limited). Increased coal costs make stockpiling imported coal more difficult for the Centre.

·      The Centre passed mining reforms in 2020 to end CIL’s monopoly on coal production in India. The law made commercial coal mining possible, with 50 blocks available right away. It also allowed everyone, not just captive consumers, to bid on coal mines (i.e., companies which use coal for running their businesses).

 

·      The Importance of Coal in India:

 

·      India’s most important and abundant fossil fuel is coal. It provides energy for 55% of the country’s needs. The nation’s industrial legacy is built on domestic coal.

·      Coal will continue to play a significant part in India’s energy scenario, given the poor reserve potentiality of petroleum and natural gas, the environmental limits on hydel projects, and the geopolitical view of nuclear power.

·      Commercial primary energy consumption in India has surged by about 700 percent in the last four decades.

·      Because of India’s rising population, developing economy, and yearning for a better quality of life, energy consumption is expected to rise.

 

·      Coal Reserves in India:

 

·      Coal is made from organic materials like wood. The wood burns and decomposes when large portions of forest are buried beneath sediments due to heat from below and pressure from above. Although the process yields coal, it takes decades to complete.

·      The country’s eastern and south-central regions have the most hard coal resources, which are spread throughout 27 major coalfields.

·      The older Gondwana Formations of peninsular India and the younger tertiary formations of the north-eastern area are where India’s coal reserves are found.

·      The lignite deposits are believed to be around 36 billion tonnes, with 90% of them in Tamil Nadu in the south.

·      In terms of total coal reserves, Jharkhand leads India, followed by Odisha, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, and Madhya Pradesh.

 

·      The effects of scarcity:

 

·      India’s economic reopening may be delayed if factories experience power shortages.

·      Some businesses may restrict their output.

·      The Power Crisis in India may endure for a long time due to the country’s vast population and underdeveloped energy infrastructure.

 

·      Low coal production is due to the following factors:

 

·      The current coal shortage is caused by a surge in electricity usage as the economy recovers from the Covid-19 outbreak, as well as supply problems.

·      India used 124 billion units of electricity in August 2021, up from 106 billion units in August 2019, when the pandemic had no effect.

·      Coal-fired thermal power plants have also contributed more to the increase in demand, increasing thermal power’s share of India’s power mix to 66.4 percent in 2019 from 61.9 percent in 2019.

·      Despite meeting nearly three-quarters of domestic demand, torrential rains have swamped mines and critical transit lines.

·      Other key contributors to the supply constraint include lower-than-normal stock accumulation by thermal power plants in April-June and prolonged rains in coal-producing areas in August and September, which resulted in lower output and fewer coal despatches from mines.

·      Plants have reduced imports due to a sustained trend toward less imports and high international coal costs.

 

·      Government actions include:

 

·      Coal supply to thermal power plants are being monitored by an inter-ministerial committee made up of representatives from the Power and Railway Ministries, Coal India Ltd, the Central Electricity Authority, and the Power System Operation Corporation.

·      The government is pressuring thermal power plants with captive coal mines to enhance coal output so that they can meet more of their own demand, and coal supply for thermal power plants with low stock levels is being prioritised.

·      The Power Ministry is also aiming to boost coal supplies by hastening production at a handful of mines that have already received the appropriate licences.

·      The government has also raised the quantity of coal rakes sent to thermal power plants on a daily basis, with 263 rakes (up from 248) being delivered from coal mines.

 

·      What else is there to be done?

 

·      Coal India and NTPC Ltd., both government-owned companies, could work together to boost mine output.

·      India must expand its imports regardless of the financial costs.

·      Planning ahead of time and stocking up on supplies before the monsoons begin is a good strategy.